On the eve of Passover in Jerusalem, one of the most unusual yet most formal ceremonies of the Israeli religious-state calendar took place again. On Tuesday, March 31, 2026, the chief rabbis of Israel formalized the sale of the state’s chametz to Hussein Jabar from Abu Ghosh — the very person who, for many years, becomes, on paper, the owner of the country’s leavened property during the holiday. The official statement emphasizes that this is not only about the state’s chametz as an abstraction, but also about the chametz of ministries, government agencies, and those citizens who have authorized the rabbinate in advance to sell it on their behalf through an online form.
From the outside, this can be taken as a beautiful Israeli tradition with a touch of a joke: a Muslim becomes the “owner of the country’s bread” for a week.
But in reality, this is not folklore, but a working halachic and legal mechanism, without which state institutions, large warehouses, departments, and private owners would find themselves in a much more complicated situation before Passover. That is why this ceremony is conducted not symbolically in a square, but through documents, powers, a deposit, and the formal transfer of rights.
Why does Israel sell chametz before Passover at all
The basic reason is simple, but not always obvious to an outside observer.

According to Jewish law, during Passover, it is forbidden not only to eat chametz but also to keep it in Jewish possession. Moreover, the problem does not disappear if you simply remove the products from sight: rabbinical practice’s specific clarifications directly indicate that chametz that was in Jewish possession during Passover is forbidden even after the holiday ends.
Hence the solution that Israel has brought to a state scale. Chametz is sold to a non-Jew before the prohibition begins, and after Passover, it is usually bought back. For individuals, this could be a home supply, bottles of whiskey, pasta, or flour. For the state, it’s a completely different level: departmental warehouses, supplies in supply systems, food, and other categories of leavened property that cannot simply be massively destroyed without absurdity and direct losses.
Why Hussein Jabar became the buyer again
The story of Hussein Jabar is a separate part of this Israeli construct.
Jabar, a native of Abu Ghosh and a long-time employee of the Ramada Jerusalem hotel, has been performing this role for decades; according to him, it all started in 1995 when the then-chief rabbi Yisrael Meir Lau asked him to take on the purchase of the state’s chametz. Since then, he has regularly become the figure through which the state conducts the Passover sale.
What exactly they sell and what is included in this deal
This is where the confusion usually begins.
They do not sell “Israel as a whole,” not ministerial buildings, and not land as such. They sell exactly chametz — that is, leavened products from five types of grain that fall under the Passover prohibition. Basic clarifications include bread, pastries, dry cereals, pasta, many types of alcohol, and other products made from fermented or leavened grain.
On a state scale, this means not just a box of cookies in some office.
The current official statement refers to the chametz of the state, ministries, government structures, and also the chametz of private individuals who have pre-authorized the rabbinate through the website. In earlier official statements from the Chief Rabbinate, specific objects such as state emergency reserves, police, and prison service were also listed. That is, we are talking about quite real food and warehouse remnants in large volumes.
And another important detail that is often overlooked. They sell not only the “contents of boxes” in the household sense. Classic forms of chametz sale provide that the entire chametz in specified storage locations is included in the deal, even small remnants that no one would buy separately, and to strengthen the legal force of the deal, the buyer is given rights to access the premises where this chametz is located. Traditional formulations refer to the transfer of keys and even temporary rental of the storage premises themselves, so the deal does not look like an empty declaration.
Hence the practical rule that the rabbinate repeats separately: the sold chametz must be placed in a closed and marked place until the end of Passover. This is necessary because after the sale, it should no longer be used by the former owner, even if it physically remains in the same kitchen, the same warehouse, or the same departmental premises.
Otherwise, the whole point of the procedure is blurred.
How the cost of this chametz is calculated and where the “billions” come from
In public retellings, they love the phrase about “chametz worth billions,” sometimes even tens and hundreds of billions. But within the procedure, the assessment is not arranged like a newspaper headline. Official statements from the rabbinate indicated that during the ceremony, the buyer makes a deposit — in recent years, it was about 20,000 shekels — and already after Passover, the cost of the state’s chametz is assessed by three appraisers.
Only after this can a final settlement theoretically be made.
So the figure “billions” is not a random metaphor, but also not always the final account to the last shekel right on the day of the ceremony. Halachic texts, on which the logic of the sale is built, separately explain that the benchmark is the fair market value. If necessary, it is clarified after measuring or weighing the goods.
In one of the classic examples of sale, it is directly stated that the price is actually understood as the value that could be obtained on the local market, and the mechanism itself is equivalent to an assessment by “three people.”
That is why this deal should not be just theater. In the same texts, the buyer is given the right to enter storage places, receive keys, and even resell chametz to other non-Jews during Passover if he wishes. In practice, this almost never happens in the dramatic form that the mass press loves, but the legal logic is important: the sale must be formalized as real, not as a joke, otherwise, it loses both religious and legal force.
This is the Israeli paradox, which from the outside looks almost like a national ritual surrealism. But NAnovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency sees here not exoticism for the sake of a picture, but a point where an ancient prohibition, a modern state, digital services, and live Israeli bureaucracy unexpectedly work together — quite clearly, without unnecessary romance, and with a very specific practical meaning.
Where did this scheme come from and why hasn’t it disappeared
The roots of chametz sale are much older than the State of Israel.
One of the earliest mentions of such a practice is already found in the Tosefta: it describes a case with a Jew who went on a long journey and sold chametz to a non-Jew with the expectation that he could later buy back the remainder. Otherwise, after Passover, he risked being left without supplies.
On a small household level, this could still be solved simply — burn, throw away, eat in advance.
But as people acquired large stocks of grain, alcohol, flour, warehouse remnants, and commercial volumes, the complete destruction of goods began to mean serious economic damage. That is why the mechanism evolved: first as a private solution for merchants and stock owners, then as a standard procedure for communities, and in Israel — already as a formalized state practice.
Hence the answer to the main question that Israelis ask every year, especially those far from religious life: “Why not just throw it all away?” Because in reality, we are talking about a gigantic array of food and goods, partly state-owned, partly private, partly institutional.
The sale allows not to violate the Passover prohibition, not to destroy stocks unnecessarily, and not to turn holiday preparation into economic nonsense. That is why this strange-looking ceremony has such a stable status in Israel — and that is why it made the news again on March 31, 2026.
What is chametz, what exactly is included in it, and why is it treated so strictly on Passover
Chametz is not just “something flour-based,” but a very specific category according to Jewish law.
It refers to products from five types of grains — wheat, barley, rye, oats, and spelt — if they have come into contact with water and have fermented or started to leaven. In modern household examples, this is bread, rolls, cookies, grain-based alcohol (such as “Whiskey”), pasta, dry cereals, pizza, beer, and many other products that contain such grains or their derivatives.
Yes — ordinary vodka often falls into chametz, if it is made from grain: wheat, rye, barley, oats, or spelt. For Passover, this is considered a problem not because of the alcohol itself, but because of the raw material: if the alcohol is made from these grains, it is considered chametz.
But not all vodka is the same. Potato vodka is not chametz by itself, and vodka from corn or rice is not considered chametz, although for Ashkenazim, this may already touch on a separate custom regarding kitniyot. In any case, on Passover, such a bottle is taken only with a clear label Kosher for Passover, because additives, equipment, and the entire production process are also important.
Therefore, when in Israel they talk about selling chametz, it may not only be about a loaf of bread or a pack of spaghetti.
This category also includes larger stocks: flour from these grains, mixes, semi-finished products, warehouse remnants, grain-based alcohol, and industrial products where such components are present. It is important not to confuse chametz with kitniyot: rice, corn, legumes, lentils, and similar products are not considered chametz by themselves, although in Ashkenazi tradition many of them are also not eaten on Passover due to a separate custom, not because they are equated to chametz by the Torah.
In the Torah itself, the prohibition is directly and repeatedly prescribed. In the book of Exodus, it is said that before the holiday, leaven must be removed from homes, and during the seven days, chametz should not be in Jewish possession; it also says that chametz should not “be seen” and “be found” with you. In the book of Deuteronomy, the explanation of the meaning of matzah is added: it is the “bread of affliction,” eaten in memory of the hasty exodus from Egypt when the dough did not have time to rise.
This is where the answer to the question “why” comes from. On Passover, matzah becomes not just a permitted food, but a reminder of the Exodus and the fact that Jews left Egypt in haste. The prohibition of chametz is therefore connected not only with the kitchen but also with the memory of the event itself: Passover is arranged so that a person not only reads about liberation but literally experiences it through what is in their home and on their table.
Later halachic tradition has detailed what exactly to do with chametz before the holiday. Already the Mishnah in the tractate Pesachim begins the discussion with checking the house for chametz on the eve of the 14th of Nisan.
Then the Talmud develops these rules, Rambam in “Mishneh Torah” formulates the obligation to remove chametz before the prohibition moment, and the “Shulchan Aruch” establishes the practical order of checking and removing chametz from places where it can usually be found. So this is not only a biblical commandment but also a long, very specific legal tradition.
In practice, four main actions have grown out of this, familiar to religious and traditional Israel: chametz is searched for, removed, destroyed, or taken out of Jewish possession through sale to a non-Jew. That is why the state sale of chametz in Israel looks unusual only from the outside. Within Jewish legal logic, it is a continuation of an old norm: if chametz cannot be kept during Passover, it must either be destroyed or truly transferred to another owner.